El Weinstein
Research Dates: January 24- May 9, 2025
Website:
https://www.brooklynmuseum.org/objects/155435

Pot with Seven Standing Figures
Unrecorded Bamana Artist
Early 20th Century
Terracotta/earthenware
Height: 8 1/2 in. (21.6 cm) Diameter: 10 in. (25.4 cm) Diameter of mouth: 6 7/8 in. (17.5 cm).
Brooklyn Museum, Gift of Bill and Gale Simmons, 1996.117.5. Creative Commons-BY (Photo: Brooklyn Museum, CUR.1996.117.5_PS5.jpg)
From: Colleyn, Jean-Paul, and Laurie Ann Farrell. “Bamana: The Art of Existence in Mali.” African Arts 34, no. 4 (2001): 16–94.
Bèè à n’a ka laada
Each person has his customs.
This pot has seven figures in medium-relief with a continuous line under the figure’s feet representing the ground, and incising on the vessel’s rim. The figures are seemingly unisex and stand with their arms outstretched in a U-shape, maybe in a protective stance.
In many West African cultures, Bamana among them, the number seven represents perfection and unity as it is the combination of three, which represents the masculine, and four, which represents the feminine. This object is covered in a dirt residue not obtained from the firing process as this is done above ground, suggesting that it could have been buried at one point or the exterior rubbed with dirt to enhance the dimensionality of the figures.
In Bamana, each type of pot has a specific name and purpose. This particular object shares a resemblance to both the cooking pot ‘daga’ and the water jar ‘jidaga.’ They are both globular, short and broad and many, like this pot, have wide mouths and a narrower foot. The body is thick and solid, making the object quite heavy but also able to retain coolness. ‘Jigadaw’ are often placed under a tree outside a family’s compound to serve visitors a cup of cool water upon arrival. The ‘daga’ cooking pots, despite their ubiquitousness in markets, are used less often than ‘nègèdaga’ metal cooking pots that have taken their place. Other ‘jidagaw’ feature more elaborate geometric motifs, as well as lizards, tortoises, snakes and other water animals.


Illustrated map by Simeon Netchev
Bamana History and Culture
The Bamana make up the largest Mande ethnic group living in West Africa and comprise over a third of Mali’s current day population. The Bamana language is part of the Mande language family and is one of the most widely spoken languages in West Africa. It is one of Mali’s official languages and used by eighty-percent of Mali’s population, more than fifteen million people. Though this object comes from what is now known as Mali, the Bamana and other Mande cultures and traditions extend well beyond modern conceptions of nation-states and can be found in other West African countries, mostly along the Niger River. The presence of similar objects in other regions suggests movement of both people and objects, and the history of the region sheds light on the fluidity of location and cultural interchange.
From: Curnow, Kathy. The Bright Continent: African Art History, 2021.
The Bamana were a royal section of the Mandinka people who founded the Greater-Mande Mali Empire which comprised areas of the Niger River Delta and surrounding savanna in what is modern day Mali, Senegal, Gambia, Mauritania, Guinea and parts of Burkina Faso and Niger. The Mali Empire was an alliance of twelve kingdoms founded around 1235 by its first warrior-king Sundiata Keita, who overthrew the Kaniaga or Sosso Empire, a successor of the nearby Ghana Empire which was dominated by another Mande speaking population, the Soninke. There are long histories of conquest and rebellion between competing empires in the region vying to control powerful and prosperous territories and trade cities like Gao, Timbuktu and Djenné. The Mali Empire was at its peak under Mansa Musa’s rule in the early 14th century and ruled until 1610 when its final ruler, Mahmud IV, died and it fell to the Segou or Bamana Empire, a successor of the neighboring Songhai Empire which had at one point also been under Malian rule. The Bamana Empire lasted until 1861 when Umar Tal and his Toucouleur jihad occupied much of the region with the aim of unifying the populace under Islam. The Toucouleur Empire was short-lived and the area underwent numerous dynastic changes in the next decades before the French were given much of Western Africa at the Berlin Conference, and deposed local authorities in the early 1890s. They’re conglomerate of eighteen colonized African territories was simply called ‘French West Africa’ until nationalist movements succeeded in liberation in the late 1950s and 1960s.
While rulers of the Mali Empire converted to Islam as early as the thirteenth century and efforts to do so continued into the 19th century, there was sustained resistance from the more rural populace who continued to practice polytheistic local traditions. The terms Bamana and Bambara have meant different things to different people at different times and are used interchangeably by outsiders. In western Sudan in the 19th century it denoted raiders and conquerors, while for the Soninke it meant “slave.” For Muslim conquerors throughout western Africa’s long history of conversion, Banmana meant “unbeliever” or “infidel” due to the population’s resistance to Islam. Bamana people never used the term Bambara to refer to themselves, this word was always a designation given by an outside population like the French or Arabs. It was the French colonialists who made racial classifications between different ethnic groups like the Bamana, Mandinka (who they called Malinke) and Soninke who had been interchanging for centuries amongst themselves and other groups. In essence, Bamana does not refer so much to a racial or ethnic group as much as it does to people in the area who practice local ancestral religious traditions. Many of the terms, especially now after so many centuries of intermixing, are fluid and sometimes enforce arbitrary boundaries.


Barbara E. Frank from “More than Wives and Mothers. The Artistry of Mande Potters.” African Arts 27, no. 4 (1994): 26–94:
Left: ‘Assitan Ballo carefully pounds pieces of broken pottery into small grains to be used as temper along with straw,’ Kunògò, Mali, 1991.
Center: ‘Sunkoro Sissoko does the “dance” of mixing the temper into wet clay. The basketry tray in the foreground holds additional ground pottery to be added if necessary,’ Kolokani, Mali, 1991.
Right: ‘Sunkoro pounds the clay over a mold to form the base of a pot,’ Kolokani, Mali, 1991.
Barbara E. Frank, ‘Assa Coulibaly trims the edge of a vessel removed from a mold to prepare it for adding coils,’ Banamba, Mali, 1988, from “More than Wives and Mothers. The Artistry of Mande Potters.” African Arts 27, no. 4 (1994): 26–94.
Process and Meaning
The Bamana share many similarities with other patrilinear Mande cultures in their continued use of an endogamous caste social structure and age, sex and vocational based societies known as Tons. In this hierarchy consisting of nobility, vassals, artisans, merchants, farmers and griots, potters are the wives and daughters of blacksmiths and are called numumusow or “blacksmith women.” Along with being the only people with the knowledge of the technology of pottery production, they also serve important social roles in rites of passage like baptism, marriage, death and excision, and oftentimes act as hairdresser.
The pottery process begins with the women and their husbands finding the best quality clay pits to dig from. This is the only step of the process men are involved in and is also the part that carries the most risks. Mande people believe raw clay is rich in a vital energy called nyama which can cause blindness, barrenness, miscarriages and even death if not handled properly. Special solutions are prepared to protect the potters and their husbands on their expeditions, and prayers and sacrifices are offered to the spirit forces- or jinns- of the chosen areas which are often miles away from their homes. The work is seasonal and the clay harvested from one dig can last an entire season or as long as multiple years. After the clay is brought back, the clay is dried in the sun and any impurities removed before being stored in ceramic vessels. When ready to use, water is added to bring the clay to the desired consistency and ground fired clay particles are mixed in to reduce shrinkage, crackage and breakage in the firing process. The clay is then wedged before being compressed and then shaped in two steps. First it’s pounded onto convex molds of old unusable pots and then the walls are finished by coiling and smoothed out by hand. They are outfitted with feet and rims and then decorated through slip-painting, carving, incising, burnishing and adding low to high relief sculpted details.


Barbara E. Frank, ‘Seban Fané dips small pot in a bath of tree bark and water,’ Kunògò, Mali, 1988, from “More than Wives and Mothers. The Artistry of Mande Potters.” African Arts 27, no. 4 (1994): 26–94.
After being formed and decorated, the vessels are placed on a bed of wood with the larger pots encircling the smaller in a concentric circle before another layer of wood, preferably hardwood that burns long and hot, is added on top. After as little as an hour, the smaller vessels are lifted from the fire red-hot and plunged into a bath of water and tree bark that seals and blackens the surface. In other cultures, this darkened surface is usually obtained by slip-casting, pit-firing or reduction firing. After being dunked in the special solution, the pots’ surfaces are often enhanced by being smothered in sawdust, millet, rice chaff or peanut shells in a sort of raku-like process.
While historical examples from the past century usually feature modeled decoration such as lizards- which represent survival and prosperity, and are thought to have protective powers and bring good luck- or figures such as the ones on this vessel, more contemporary pots tend to have geometric, slip-painted designs.

Barbara E. Frank, ‘Nankan Kanté with pots to sell at the weekly market in Kangaba. In the foreground is a brazier, red water jars, and black cooking pots,’ Kangaba, Mali, 1992.
Many of these pots are designated as being ‘terracotta,’ which broadly refers to a low-fired, porous type of earthenware made from red clay. The term literally means ‘baked earth’ in Italian and has long histories in Mediterranean Europe and Southeast Asia. While this pot could be considered terracotta, it also may be too specific a term to encompass this object whose clay body has a different composition than that found in Europe and Asia, and carries connotations that could undermine the specific independent cultural origins of this tradition. There are a large variety of different clay bodies found in West Africa of varying colors, textures and grain coarseness, with an array of them being classified as terracotta despite the vast differences.
The individuals who gave this object to the Brooklyn Museum, Bill and Gail Simmons, collected a variety of textiles and ceramics from across the African continent, as well as Mexican folk art. How they came across this specific object and why they decided to donate it to the Brooklyn Museum is unclear, though the majority of their collection was purchased from art dealers in the United States. The vessel likely passed through multiple hands before ending up in the museum’s collection. The continued production of ‘daga’ despite their waning usage in Bamana villages could point to these objects being aimed at the tourist market, which would explain the large number of them in Western collections.
Barbara E. Frank, ‘The ubiquitous water jar in the compound of a home.’ Kolokani, Mali. 1991 from “More than Wives and Mothers. The Artistry of Mande Potters.” African Arts 27, no. 4 (1994): 26–94.
Bibliography
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